Going back to the memory lanes of Nigeria February 13, 1976 Dimka's Coup Attempt.
Just before 8:30 a.m. on February 13, 1976, the following curious announcement was heard on Radio Nigeria:
"Good morning fellow Nigerians,
This is Lt. Col. B. Dimka of the Nigerian Army calling.
I bring you good tidings. Murtala
Muhammed's deficiency has been detected. His government is now
overthrown by the young revolutionaries. All the 19 military governors
have no powers over the states they now govern. The states affairs will
be run by military brigade commanders until further notice.
All commissioners are sacked, except for the armed forces and police commissioners who will be redeployed.
All senior military officers should
remain calm in their respective spots. No divisional commanders will
issue orders or instructions until further notice.
Any attempt to foil these plans from any quarters will be met with death.
You are warned, it is all over the 19 states.
Any acts of looting or raids will be death.
Everyone should be calm.
Please stay by your radio for further announcements.
All borders, air and sea ports are closed until further notice.
Curfew is imposed from 6am to 6pm.
Thank you. We are all together."
Just prior to this broadcast, then Head
of State, General Murtala Ramat Muhammed, along with his ADC (Lt.
Akinsehinwa), Orderly and driver, had been assassinated on his way to
work in a thin skinned black Mercedes Benz car without escorts. The
unprotected car had slowed down at the junction in front of the Federal
Secretariat in Ikoyi, Lagos, when a hit team which allegedly included
Lt. William Seri and others, casually strolled up and riddled
it with bullets.
Following confirmation of Muhammed's death, Lt. Col. Buka
Suka Dimka, of the Army Physical Training Corps, who (along with some
others) had been up for most of the night drinking champagne, then made a
quick trip to the British High Commission at about 8 am where he
demanded to be put in touch with General Gowon in Britain. He allegedly
left a message through Sir Martin LeQuesne, saying Gowon should
proceed to Togo and await further instructions.
Then he returned, initially
accompanied by six others, to Ikoyi to seize the Radio Station. The
martial music played was allegedly specially selected by a civilian
worker, Mr. Abdulkarim Zakari, who had been alerted beforehand to do so.
Other hit teams simultaneously went
after other key functionaries of the regime's trioka, namely the Chief
of Staff, SHQ, Lt. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo and the Army Chief, Lt. Gen.
T. Y. Danjuma. The Military Governors of Kwara and Oyo States, Colonels
Ibrahim Taiwo and David Jemibewon, respectively, were also targeted.
Taiwo, who had been the national coordinator of the July 1975 coup that
brought Mohammed to power, was abducted and
killed by a team led by Major K. K. Gagara.
Jemibewon, whose name had
been added to the list of targets by Lt. Col T. K. Adamu, merely because
Adamu "did not like his face", escaped.
In response to a pro-coup broadcast
(and other activities) from Benin-City by the Brigade Commander, Colonel
Isa Bukar, counter-broadcasts dissociating other army units from the
coup were made, first from Calabar by the Brigade Commander, Colonel
Mamman J. Vatsa, and then from Kaduna on behalf of the GOC, Brigadier
Alani Akinrinade.
As efforts were being made within the
military to crush the revolt, University students in Lagos and Ibadan
(among others) took to the streets to protest the coup. Later, when it
became known that Dimka had visited the British High Commission on the
day of the coup, some students attacked British and American facilities
in Lagos.
The coup attempt eventually failed
seven hours later, crushed by forces rallied and directed from a
temporary base at Bonny camp by Lt. General T. Y. Danjuma, Chief of Army
Staff, whose designated assassin (reportedly Lt. Lawrence Garba) had
chosen at the last moment to spare him at the Marina Jetty, allegedly in
part to avoid collateral casualties. When Danjuma got to the office
and heard the radio broadcast, he held a brief "war
council" with Colonels Bali and Babangida, then moved to Bonny camp to
coordinate the resistance. Babangida was sent on a motor cycle to Ikeja
Cantonment to get armoured vehicles. Supported by these vehicles he
proceeded to Radio Nigeria, where he had a conversation with his close
friend Dimka.
Dimka's initial reaction to
Babangida's arrival was to ask him if he came to play "Chukwuma and
Nwawo" with him; drawing a historical parallel with the negotiations
between Colonel Conrad Nwawo (on behalf of Ironsi) and Major Patrick
Nzeogwu in Kaduna in January 1966. However, Dimka got concerned with
the presence of armored vehicles in the background and asked them to be
withdrawn.
But it turns out that Babangida's
orders had not been to negotiate a surrender or other outcome, but to
stop the broadcast - by any means necessary - including destruction by
shelling. When he made contact with Bonny Camp to report his activities
at the radio station, this order was reiterated to him by General
Danjuma, incredulous that a conversation with Dimka had even occurred
and that the radio station was still playing Dimka's
broadcast. A brief but fierce fire fight (reportedly led by Major Chris
Ugokwe) subsequently dislodged the coup plotters from the station.
When shooting started Dimka simply
walked away, past all the soldiers surrounding the building as well as
driving through numerous checkpoints on his way, first to Jos and then
eventually to Abakaliki where he was captured by Police in the company
of a woman of easy virtue. At that time, public incredulity at his
"escape" from Radio Nigeria led to speculations that he was assisted.
But many years later, in April 1990, a
similar 'escape' from a siege of supposedly loyal troops was executed by
Lt. Col. Gabriel Nyiam and Major Saliba Mukoro.
General Olusegun Obasanjo (rtd) has
written that he was late in leaving home that day on account of a visit
by Brigadier Olu Bajowa to get a name for his new baby. When it became
apparent that there was trouble, Obasanjo executed an escape and evasion
maneuver, spent most of the day at the house of a civilian friend in
Ikoyi monitoring the situation by telephone, but later emerged to become
the Head of State. His would be assassins
mistook then Colonel Dumuje for him along Awolowo road in Lagos,
seriously wounding that officer. The specifics of how that happened
remain a matter of conjecture particularly since the car of a Lt.
General would have had three stars mounted on the license plate. Whether
Dumuje was riding in Obasanjo's car is a curious possibility that has
never been clarified. Or perhaps the hit men were drunk and could not
tell one flag from another.
Subsequent evidence, allegedly based on
documents and tapes discovered at the station, suggests that Dimka had
actually planned a second broadcast which he never got to make. The
broadcast would have gone like this:
"Fellow Nigerians,
This is Lt. Col. BS Dimka. I now
explain why we the Young Revolutionaries of the Armed Forces have found
it necessary to overthrow the six month old government of Murtala. On
the 29th July 1975 the Government of General Gowon was overthrown. Some
of the reasons given for the change were:
a. Corruption
b. Indecision
c. Arrest and detention without trial
d. Weakness on the part of the Head of State
e. Maladministration in general and a host of other malpractice.
Every honest Nigerian will agree
with me that since the change over of government there has not been any
physical development in the whole country generally.
All we have is arbitrary
dismissal of innocent Nigerians who have contributed in no less amount
to the building of this great nation. A Professor was arrested,
detained, dismissed and later taken to court on an article which every
honest Nigerian will agree that all the points contained in that article
were 100% truth. The sad point about it all is that those who
initiated the retirement or dismissal exercise are the worst offenders.
You will be
informed about the ill-gotten wealth in my next announcement.
The acting General Manager of the
Nigerian Airways was invited to the Dodan Barracks and detained without
trial. The people of this country have been living in a state of fear.
The Armed Forces promotion exercise is still fresh in your minds.
Whatever reasons they have for the promotion one can only say that they
are ambitious. They in fact took over power to enrich themselves.
We are convinced that some of the
programmes announced for a return to civilian rule are made to favor a
particular group. To mention only one. Maitama Sule is a politician.
But has been appointed Chief of Commissioners for Complaints. This is
to prepare him for the next political head at all cost. How many of you
know that Maitama Sule is on a salary of N17,000 p.a.?
In view of what I have just said and
a lot more which time will not permit me to mention, we the Young
Revolutionaries have once again taken over the Government to save
Murtala from total disgrace and prevent him from committing further
blunders and totally collapsing the country before he runs away in the
name of retirement to enjoy the huge fortune he got through bribe which
he has now stored outside this country. I believe that
charity should begin at home.
Please stay by your radio for further announcements.
We are all together."
The Obasanjo regime, however, later
issued a public statement proffering its own explanation for the Dimka
coup attempt. The four reasons given by the government were that :
1. The plotters felt the Murtala government was abandoning Nigeria's traditional non-aligned posture and going "communist".
2. The plotters were opposed to recent Army promotions and the appointment of Danjuma as Army Chief.
3. The plotters intended to restore General Gowon to office
4. The plotters intended to restore all
previous military governors to office, as well as restore all retired
public servants back to office. Any subsequent retirement was to be
based on legal due process. (As of that time about 11,000 civil
servants and over 200 army officers had been summarily retired across
the country)
Seven days of national mourning were declared and flags flew at half mast.
Following up on the opinion of the
Obasanjo regime at the time, that General Gowon "knew and by
implication, approved" of the plot (based on Dimka's testimony regarding
a brief encounter during a trip he had earlier made to London), a
formal request for him to be extradited from Britain was made on March
24, 1976.
General Gowon himself
strongly denied the charge. The British government rejected the
extradition request and made it plain through back-channels that if the
Nigerian government insisted too strongly on getting Gowon back,
Nigerian leaders should be prepared to deal with British coldness if (as
individuals) they one day found themselves in exile. Publicly,
diplomatic relations with Britain, however, took a nose dive and Gowon,
without trial, was dismissed
as an officer (albeit retired) in the Nigerian Armed Forces. (He was
later reinstated by President Shagari).
As expected, mass arrests were made
after the coup failed, not just of active duty and retired soldiers, but
also civilians. Major C.D. Dabang, an inner circle officer who had
pleaded with Dimka to delay the coup until he was well enough to take
part, was still undergoing treatment at the Military Hospital in Lagos
when soldiers arrived, disconnected his drip and took him away. Many
important figures of the Gowon era were arrested
and quizzed. There is at least one, known to this author, who is very
lucky to be alive today.
At least two Boards of Inquiry sat
(including those chaired by Brigadiers Obada and Eromobor). Death
sentences passed by a separate Special Military Tribunal were confirmed
by the Supreme Military Council. However, it remains unclear to this
day to what extent certain individuals who were shot were actually
involved in the Dimka coup. Among others, Col A.D.S. Wya is frequently
mentioned.
The first batch of executions was
announced by Brigadier Shehu Yar'Adua, who had just been double promoted
from the rank of Lt. Col. He went on television (Channel 10) to say
"They are being shot about now". This was followed the next morning by a
gleeful headline in the Daily Times that read: "Thirty-Two shot in
Round One". Another batch, including Dimka himself, was to follow
later.
However, two NCOs, Sergeant Clement Yildar and Corporal Dauda Usman escaped and were never found.
They were declared wanted. To this day, they have not (to my knowledge) surfaced.
The execution of Lt. Col. Bukar Suka Dimka and other coup plotters: |
Those executed included:
1. Major General I.D. Bisalla (Defence Commissioner)
2. Joseph Gomwalk (Ex-Governor of Benue-Plateau)
3. Col. A.D.S. Wya
4. Col Isa Bukar
5. Lt. Col. T.K. Adamu
6. Lt. Col A.B. Umoru
7. Lt. Col B.S. Dimka
8. Lt. Col. Ayuba Tense
9. Major C.D. Dabang
10. Major Ola Ogunmekan
11. Major J.W. Kasai
12. Major J.K. Afolabi
13. Major M.M. Mshelia
14. Major I.B. Rabo
15. Major K.K. Gagara
16. Capt. M.R. Gotip
17. Capt. M. Parvwang
18. Capt. J.F. Idi
19. Capt. A.A. Aliyu
20. Capt. S. Wakian
21. Capt. Austin Dawurang
22. Lt. A.R. Aliyu
23. Lt. William Seril
24. Lt. Mohammed
25. Lt. E.L.K. Shelleng
26. Lt. O. Zagmi
27. Lt. S. Wayah
28. Lt. S. Kwale
29. Lt. Peter Cigari
30. Lt. Lawrence Garba
31. Seven (7) non-commissioned officers
32. Mr. Abdulakarim Zakari (civilian broadcaster)
Others were retired or dismissed or imprisoned.
General Gowon's relatives in
the armed forces were hounded out or jailed. But in 1981 a former
member of the SMC, Lt. Gen Alani Akinrinade (rtd) openly admitted in an
interview with the Punch newspaper that there wasn't a strong case
against General Gowon.
SOME SHORT AND LONG TERM CONSEQUENCES
Although the new Obasanjo led team that
came to office (against Obasanjo's "personal wish and desire") pledged
to continue along the footsteps of Muhammed, the so-called Dimka coup
had lasting military and non-military, judicial, domestic and foreign
policy effects.
It was the first time since the
executions of Banjo, Ifeajuna, Alale and Agbam on September 25, 1967 in
Enugu, by Ojukwu, that anyone was being executed for that alleged
offence within Nigeria's colonial borders. It led to the
promulgation - by the Obasanjo regime - of certain retrospective decrees
which made 'concealment of treason' an offence punishable with a life
sentence and created new "Special Military
Tribunal" laws justifying mass executions for coup participation which
have remained with us until the recent initiative in the Legislature.
Indeed, when General Obasanjo (rtd) was tried in 1995 on suspicion of
concealment of treason by the Abacha regime, it was the law he signed
into effect just under 20 years before, which was pulled off the shelf
and used to charge him.
It later emerged that the charge was frivolous
and he was lucky to survive the Abacha
gulag. However, it did not escape notice that others charged under that
decree in the past may not have been so lucky. Indeed notions of
Treason and Treasonable felony in Nigerian Military Tribunal Law and
their consistency with the governing laws of Nigeria still need to be
revisited. And the complex intrigues of the coup investigative process
also need to be addressed. There are people who were officially cleared
of all charges relating to the Dimka coup
in 1976 who still barely escaped getting shot "on contract" at Kiri-Kiri
prison.
The Dimka coup was a national security
embarrassment. Efforts by then Inspector General of Police, MD Yusuf, to
resign were rebuffed. But the coup led directly to the creation of the
National Security Organization (NSO), whose first Director, then
Brigadier Abdulai Mohammed was recalled from his post as a Governor.
However, the existence (since 1976) of the NSO and its by-product, the
SSS, has not stopped coups in
Nigeria, as events since then have demonstrated.
Except for the use of Peugeot cars, the
so called "low profile" policy of the Muhammed regime was largely
jettisoned. Key figures became better protected by accompanying
troops. The Brigade of Guards was disbanded and new troops rotated in.
The leadership style of the regime changed.
Muhammed's hard charging,
occasionally impulsive style was replaced by a steadier and level headed
but still dictatorial approach. Then Brigadier Shehu Yar'Adua's new
role in the Trioka as Chief of Staff, SHQ, launched him into his
subsequent national political career when he left office. Other
relationships forged in the trials and tribulations of the painful
events surrounding the Dimka coup were to last for many years after -
such as that between President
Olusegun Obasanjo, his Defence Minister, Lt. Gen. TY Danjuma (rtd) and
his Chief of Staff, Major General Abdulai Mohammed (rtd).
Although already known for toughness
from his July 1966 and civil war days, General Danjuma's stature as "the
man in charge of the Army" was reinforced by his bold leadership during
the coup. Indeed, he could quite easily have taken over the country
if he wanted - assuming meanings would not have been read into it by
geopolitical pundits.
Then Colonel Ibrahim Babangida became a
pop hero for supposedly flushing Dimka out of Radio Nigeria, although
the exact nature of his 'negotiation' with Dimka at NBC was never
clarified. He was to emerge again on the national scene in 1983 and
1985. It was not until an interview in the Guardian with Lt. Col G.
Nyiam in April 2000, that the unsung role of Col.
Chris Ugokwe (rtd) at the radio station that day in 1976 became public knowledge.
The diplomatic effects, particularly on
Anglo-Nigerian relations, have been discussed.
Both countries recalled
their ambassadors and it was not until 1979 that the resident Nigerian
High Commissioner in London was replaced.
Domestically, the coup crystallized
political tensions between the Moslem far north and the Christian middle
belt which were not altogether new, but have persisted in one form or
another. As can be recognized, most of those executed were of Plateau
State origin.
But the curious notion of a 'Plateau group' in the Army
never did die. It resurrected many years later as the "Langtang Mafia".
Lastly, it made the late General
Murtala Muhammed a hero. According to General James Oluleye who was
then Finance Commissioner, quite apart from a state burial, naming
monuments after him and fulfilling obligations for his pension and
gratuity as a Four Star General, the government infused a large amount
of cash directly into his estate to protect his family from future
financial embarrassment.
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